| Saint Jerome |
| Born at Stridon, a town on the confines of Dalmatia and Pannonia, about the year |
| 340-2; died at Bethlehem, 30 September, 420. |
| He went to Rome, probably about 360, where he was baptized, and became |
| interested in ecclesiastical matters. From Rome he went to Trier, famous for its |
| schools, and there began his theological studies. Later he went to Aquileia, and |
| towards 373 he set out on a journey to the East. He settled first in Antioch, |
| where he heard Apollinaris of Laodicea, one of the first exegetes of that time and |
| not yet separated from the Church. From 374-9 Jerome led an ascetical life in the |
| desert of Chalcis, south-west of Antioch. Ordained priest at Antioch, he went to |
| Constantinople (380-81), where a friendship sprang up between him and St. |
| Gregory Nazianzus. From 382 to August 385 he made another sojourn in Rome, |
| not far from Pope Damasus. When the latter died (11 December, 384) his |
| position became a very difficult one. His harsh criticisms had made him bitter |
| enemies, who tried to ruin him. After a few months he was compelled to leave |
| Rome. By way of Antioch and Alexandria he reached Bethlehem, in 386. He |
| settled there in a monastery near a convent founded by two Roman ladies, Paula |
| and Eustochium, who followed him to Palestine. Henceforth he led a life of |
| asceticism and study; but even then he was troubled by controversies which will |
| be mentioned later, one with Rufinus and the other with the Pelagians. |
| CHRONOLOGY |
| The literary activity of St. Jerome, although very prolific, may be summed up |
| under a few principal heads: works on the Bible; theological controversies; |
| historical works; various letters; translations. But perhaps the chronology of his |
| more important writings will enable us to follow more easily the development of |
| his studies. |
| A first period extends to his sojourn in Rome (382), a period of preparation. From |
| this period we have the translation of the homilies of Origen on Jeremias, |
| Ezechiel, and Isaias (379-81), and about the same time the translation of the |
| Chronicle of Eusebius; then the "Vita S. Pauli, prima eremitae" (374-379). |
| A second period extends from his sojourn in Rome to the beginning of the |
| translation of the Old Testament from the Hebrew (382-390). During this period |
| the exegetical vocation of St. Jerome asserted itself under the influence of Pope |
| Damasus, and took definite shape when the opposition of the ecclesiastics of |
| Rome compelled the caustic Dalmatian to renounce ecclesiastical advancement |
| and retire to Bethlehem. In 384 we have the correction of the Latin version of the |
| Four Gospels; in 385, the Epistles of St. Paul; in 384, a first revision of the Latin |
| Psalms according to the accepted text of the Septuagint (Roman Psalter); in |
| 384, the revision of the Latin version of the Book of Job, after the accepted |
| version of the Septuagint; between 386 and 391 a second revision of the Latin |
| Psalter, this time according to the text of the "Hexapla" of Origen (Gallican |
| Psalter, embodied in the Vulgate). It is doubtful whether he revised the entire |
| version of the Old Testament according to the Greek of the Septuagint. In |
| 382-383 "Altercatio Luciferiani et Orthodoxi" and "De perpetua Virginitate B. |
| Mariae; adversus Helvidium". In 387-388, commentaries on the Epistles to |
| Philemon, to the Galatians, to the Ephesians, to Titus; and in 389-390, on |
| Ecclesiastes. |
| Between 390 and 405, St. Jerome gave all his attention to the translation of the |
| Old Testament according to the Hebrew, but this work alternated with many |
| others. Between 390-394 he translated the Books of Samuel and of Kings, Job, |
| Proverbs, Ecclesiastes, the Canticle of Canticles, Esdras, and Paralipomena. In |
| 390 he translated the treatise "De Spiritu Sancto" of Didymus of Alexandria; in |
| 389-90, he drew up his "Quaestiones hebraicae in Genesim" and "De |
| interpretatione nominum hebraicorum." In 391-92 he wrote the "Vita S. |
| Hilarionis", the "Vita Malchi, monachi captivi", and commentaries on Nahum, |
| Micheas, Sophonias, Aggeus, Habacuc. In 392-93, "De viris illustribus", and |
| "Adversus Jovinianum"; in 395, commentaries on Jonas and Abdias; in 398, |
| revision of the remainder of the Latin version of the New Testament, and about |
| that time commentaries on chapters xiii-xxiii of Isaias; in 398, an unfinished work |
| "Contra Joannem Hierosolymitanum"; in 401, "Apologeticum adversus Rufinum"; |
| between 403-406, "Contra Vigilantium"; finally from 398 to 405, completion of the |
| version of the Old Testament according to the Hebrew. |
| In the last period of his life, from 405 to 420, St. Jerome took up the series of his |
| commentaries interrupted for seven years. In 406, he commented on Osee, Joel, |
| Amos, Zacharias, Malachias; in 408, on Daniel; from 408 to 410, on the |
| remainder of Isaias; from 410 to 415, on Ezechiel; from 415-420, on Jeremias. |
| From 401 to 410 date what is left of his sermons; treatises on St. Mark, homilies |
| on the Psalms, on various subjects, and on the Gospels; in 415, "Dialogi contra |
| Pelagianos". |
| CHARACTERISTICS OF ST. JEROME'S WORK |
| St. Jerome owes his place in the history of exegetical studies chiefly to his |
| revisions and translations of the Bible. Until about 391-2, he considered the |
| Septuagint translation as inspired. But the progress of his Hebraistic studies and |
| his intercourse with the rabbis made him give up that idea, and he recognized as |
| inspired the original text only. It was about this period that he undertook the |
| translation of the Old Testament from the Hebrew. But he went too far in his |
| reaction against the ideas of his time, and is open to reproach for not having |
| sufficiently appreciated the Septuagint. This latter version was made from a much |
| older, and at times much purer, Hebrew text than the one in use at the end of the |
| fourth century. Hence the necessity of taking the Septuagint into consideration in |
| any attempt to restore the text of the Old Testament. With this exception we |
| must admit the excellence of the translation made by St. Jerome. His |
| commentaries represent a vast amount of work but of very unequal value. Very |
| often he worked exceedingly rapidly; besides, he considered a commentary a |
| work of compilation, and his chief care was to accumulate the interpretations of |
| his predecessors, rather than to pass judgment on them. The "Quaestiones |
| hebraicae in Genesim" is one of his best works. It is a philological inquiry |
| concerning the original text. It is to be regretted that he was unable to continue, |
| as had been his intention, a style of work entirely new at the time. Although he |
| often asserted his desire to avoid excessive allegory, his efforts in that respect |
| were far from successful, and in later years he was ashamed of some of his |
| earlier allegorical explanations. He himself says that he had recourse to the |
| allegorical meaning only when unable to discover the literal meaning. His |
| treatise, "De Interpretatione nominum hebraicorum", is but a collection of |
| mystical and symbolical meanings. Excepting the "Commenta rius in ep. ad |
| Galatas", which is one of his best, his explanations of the New Testament have |
| no great value. Among his commentaries on the Old Testament must be |
| mentioned those on Amos, Isaias, and Jeremias. There are some that are frankly |
| bad, for instance those on Zacharias, Osee, and Joel. To sum up, the Biblical |
| knowledge of St. Jerome makes him rank first among ancient exegetes. In the |
| first place, he was very careful as to the sources of his information. He required |
| of the exegete a very extensive knowledge of sacred and profane history, and |
| also of the linguistics and geography of Palestine. He never either categorically |
| acknowledged or rejected the deuterocanonical books as part of the Canon of |
| Scripture, and he repeatedly made use of them. On the inspiration, the existence |
| of a spiritual meaning, and the freedom of the Bible from error, he holds the |
| traditional doctrine. Possibly he has insisted more than others on the share |
| which belongs to the sacred writer in his collaboration in the inspired work. His |
| criticism is not without originality. The controversy with the Jews and with the |
| Pagans had long since called the attention of the Christians to certain difficulties |
| in the Bible. St. Jerome answers in various ways. Not to mention his answers to |
| this or that difficulty, he appeals above all to the principle, that the original text of |
| the Scriptures is the only one inspired and free from error. Therefore one must |
| determine if the text, in which the difficulties arise, has not been altered by the |
| copyist. Moreover, when the writers of the New Testament quoted the Old |
| Testament, they did so not according to the letter but according to the spirit. |
| There are many subtleties and even contradictions in the explanations Jerome |
| offers, but we must bear in mind his evident sincerity. He does not try to cloak |
| over his ignorance; he admits that there are many difficulties in the Bible; at |
| times he seems quite embarrassed. Finally, he proclaims a principle, which, if |
| recognized as legitimate, might serve to adjust the insufficiencies of his criticism. |
| He asserts that in the Bible there is no material error due to the ignorance or the |
| heedlessness of the sacred writer, but he adds: "It is usual for the sacred |
| historian to conform himself to the generally accepted opinion of the masses in |
| his time" (P.L., XXVI, 98; XXIV, 855). Among the historical works of St. Jerome |
| must be noted the translation and the continuation of the "Chronicon Eusebii |
| Caesariensis", as the continuation written by him, which extends from 325 to |
| 378, served as a model for the annals of the chroniclers of the Middle Ages; |
| hence the defects in such works: dryness, superabundance of data of every |
| description, lack of proportion and of historical sense. The "Vita S. Pauli |
| Eremitae" is not a very reliable document. The "Vita Malchi, monachi" is a |
| eulogy of chastity woven through a number of legendary episodes. As to the |
| "Vita S. Hilarionis", it has suffered from contact with the preceding ones. It has |
| been asserted that the journeys of St. Hilarion are a plagiarism of some old tales |
| of travel. But these objections are altogether misplaced, as it is really a reliable |
| work. The treatise "De Viris illustribus" is a very excellent literary history. It was |
| written as an apologetic work to prove that the Church had produced learned |
| men. For the first three centuries Jerome depends to a great extent on Eusebius, |
| whose statements he borrows, often distorting them, owing to the rapidity with |
| which he worked. His accounts of the authors of the fourth century however are of |
| great value. The oratorical consist of about one hundred homilies or short |
| treatises, and in these the Solitary of Bethlehem appears in a new light. He is a |
| monk addressing monks, not without making very obvious allusions to |
| contemporary events. The orator is lengthy and apologizes for it. He displays a |
| wonderful knowledge of the versions and contents of the Bible. His allegory is |
| excessive at times, and his teaching on grace is Semipelagian. A censorious |
| spirit against authority, sympathy for the poor which reaches the point of hostility |
| against the rich, lack of good taste, inferiority of style, and misquotation, such |
| are the most glaring defects of these sermons. Evidently they are notes taken |
| down by his hearers, and it is a question whether they were reviewed by the |
| preacher. The correspondence of St. Jerome is one of the best known parts of |
| his literary output. It comprises about one hundred and twenty letters from him, |
| and several from his correspondents. Many of these letters were written with a |
| view to publication, and some of them the author even edited himself; hence they |
| show evidence of great care and skill in their composition, and in them St. |
| Jerome reveals himself a master of style. These letters, which had already met |
| with great success with his contemporaries, have been, with the "Confessions" of |
| St. Augustine, one of the works most appreciated by the humanists of the |
| Renaissance. Aside from their literary interest they have great historical value. |
| Relating to a period covering half a century they touch upon most varied |
| subjects; hence their division into letters dealing with theology, polemics, |
| criticism, conduct, and biography. In spite of their turgid diction they are full of |
| the man's personality. It is in this correspondence that the temperament of St. |
| Jerome is most clearly seen: his waywardness, his love of extremes, his |
| exceeding sensitiveness; how he was in turn exquisitely dainty and bitterly |
| satirical, unsparingly outspoken concerning others and equally frank about |
| himself. The theological writings of St. Jerome are mainly controversial works, |
| one might almost say composed for the occasion. He missed being a theologian, |
| by not applying himself in a consecutive and personal manner to doctrinal |
| questions. In his controversies he was simply the interpreter of the accepted |
| ecclesiastical doctrine. Compared with St. Augustine his inferiority in breadth |
| and originality of view is most evident. His "Dialogue" against the Luciferians |
| deals with a schismatic sect whose founder was Lucifer, Bishop of Cagliari in |
| Sardinia. The Luciferians refused to approve of the measure of clemency by |
| which the Church, since the Council of Alexandria, in 362, had allowed bishops, |
| who had adhered to Arianism, to continue to discharge their duties on condition |
| of professing the Nicene Creed. This rigorist sect had adherents almost |
| everywhere, and even in Rome it was very troublesome. Against it Jerome wrote |
| his "Dialogue", scathing in sarcasm, but not always accurate in doctrine, |
| particularly as to the Sacrament of Confirmation. The book "Adversus Helvidium" |
| belongs to about the same period. Helvidius held the two following tenets: |
| Mary bore children to Joseph after the virginal birth of Jesus Christ; |
| from a religious viewpoint, the married state is not inferior to celibacy. |
| Earnest entreaty decided Jerome to answer. In doing so he discusses the |
| various texts of the Gospel which, it was claimed, contained the objections to the |
| perpetual virginity of Mary. If he did not find positive answers on all points, his |
| work, nevertheless, holds a very creditable place in the history of Catholic |
| exegesis upon these questions. The relative dignity of virginity and marriage, |
| discussed in the book against Helvidius, was taken up again in the book |
| "Adversus Jovinianum" written about ten years later. Jerome recognizes the |
| legitimacy of marriage, but he uses concerning it certain disparaging expressions |
| which were criticized by contemporaries and for which he has given no |
| satisfactory explanation. Jovinian was more dangerous than Helvidius. Although |
| he did not exactly teach salvation by faith alone, and the uselessness of good |
| works, he made far too easy the road to salvation and slighted a life of |
| asceticism. Every one of these points St. Jerome took up. The "Apologetici |
| adversus Rufinum" dealt with the Origenistic controversies. St. Jerome was |
| involved in one of the most violent episodes of that struggle, which agitated the |
| Church from Origen's lifetime until the Fifth Ecumenical Council (553). The |
| question at issue was to determine if certain doctrines professed by Origen and |
| others taught by certain pagan followers of Origen could be accepted. In the |
| present case the doctrinal difficulties were embittered by personalities between |
| St. Jerome and his former friend, Rufinus. To understand St. Jerome's position |
| we must remember that the works of Origen were by far the most complete |
| exegetical collection then in existence, and the one most accessible to |
| students. Hence a very natural tendency to make use of them, and it is evident |
| that St. Jerome did so, as well as many others. But we must carefully |
| distinguish between writers who made use of Origen and those who adhered to |
| his doctrines. This distinction is particularly necessary with St. Jerome, whose |
| method of work was very rapid, and consisted in transcribing the interpretations |
| of former exegetes without passing criticism on them. Nevertheless, it is certain |
| that St. Jerome greatly praised and made use of Origen, that he even transcribed |
| some erroneous passages without due reservation. But it is also evident that he |
| never adhered thinkingly and systematically to the Origenistic doctrines. Under |
| these circumstances it came about that when Rufinus, who was a genuine |
| Origenist, called on him to justify his use of Origen, the explanations he gave |
| were not free from embarrassment. At this distance of time it would require a very |
| subtle and detailed study of the question to decide the real basis of the quarrel. |
| However that may be, Jerome may be accused of imprudence of language and |
| blamed for a too hasty method of work. With a temperament such as his, and |
| confident of his undoubted orthodoxy in the matter of Origenism, he must |
| naturally have been tempted to justify anything. This brought about a most bitter |
| controversy with his wily adversary, Rufinus. But on the whole Jerome's position |
| is by far the stronger of the two, even in the eyes of his contemporaries. It is |
| generally conceded that in this controversy Rufinus was to blame. It was he who |
| brought about the conflict in which he proved himself to be narrow-minded, |
| perplexed, ambitious, even timorous. St. Jerome, whose attitude is not always |
| above reproach, is far superior to him. Vigilantius, the Gascon priest against |
| whom Jerome wrote a treatise, quarrelled with ecclesiastical usages rather than |
| matters of doctrine. What he principally rejected was the monastic life and the |
| veneration of saints and of relics. In short, Helvidius, Jovinian, and Vigilantius |
| were the mouthpieces of a reaction against asceticism which had developed so |
| largely in the fourth century. Perhaps the influence of that same reaction is to be |
| seen in the doctrine of the monk Pelagius, who gave his name to the principal |
| heresy on grace: Pelagianism. On this subject Jerome wrote his "Dialogi contra |
| Pelagianos". Accurate as to the doctrine of original sin, the author is much less |
| so when he determines the part of God and of man in the act of justification. In |
| the main his ideas are Semipelagian: man merits first grace: a formula which |
| endangers the absolute freedom of the gift of grace. The book "De situ et |
| nominibus locorum hebraicorum" is a translation of the "Onomasticon" of |
| Eusebius, to which the translator has joined additions and corrections. The |
| translations of the "Homilies" of Origen vary in character according to the time in |
| which they were written. As time went on, Jerome became more expert in the art |
| of translating, and he outgrew the tendency to palliate, as he came across them, |
| certain errors of Origen. We must make special mention of the translation of the |
| homilies "In Canticum Canticorum", the Greek original of which has been lost. |
| St. Jerome's complete works can be found in P.L., XXII-XXX. |
| Louis Saltet |
| Transcribed by Sean Hyland |
| The Catholic Encyclopedia, Volume VIII |
| Copyright © 1910 by Robert Appleton Company |
| Online Edition Copyright © 1999 by Kevin Knight |
| Nihil Obstat, October 1, 1910. Remy Lafort, S.T.D., Censor |
| Imprimatur. +John Cardinal Farley, Archbishop of New York |
| The Catholic Encyclopedia: NewAdvent.org |